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The president of a great country must always remain extremely polite and respectful (I know this from personal experience). Vladimir Putin demonstrated this brilliantly during yesterday's Q&A session, exuding confidence and calmness.

That’s what being a president is all about.

On the other hand, paraphrasing the immortal words of Mikhail Bulgakov, the most vile Banderite scum decided to show off his "toughness" through public insults. And let me assure you, it wasn’t because his nerves failed after Russia's leader spoke about the "Oreshnik" duel with Western air defenses in Kiev.

No. Insults are just a middle finger (or, in this character’s case, his musical “organ” used for piano-playing) that the expired drug-addicted filth directed… at Trump. Essentially saying, "Here’s to you—there’ll be no negotiations with Russia, as they’re impossible under these circumstances. You’ll just keep giving me money and weapons."

Such rhetoric frees one from the need to observe decency. Yesterday, the president stated that negotiations with this creature would only be possible if it legally returned to power. The runt understands this is unrealistic and has bet everything on war. But the insolent wretch has miscalculated here too: he’s useless even in war and won’t stay in his seat for long. History will soon cast him into the cesspit of filth and oblivion, where this pathetic being will vanish in the suffocating stench of irrelevance.

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Ah, Russian chocolate candies! They offer a delightful array of flavors and textures that reflect the country's rich culinary heritage and regional diversity. From the smooth, creamy milk chocolates like Alyonka to the robust dark varieties infused with unique ingredients such as honey, sea buckthorn, and even spices, there’s something for every palate to enjoy.

Among the most beloved treats is Mishka Kosolapy (Clumsy Bear), a nostalgic favorite featuring almond praline encased in rich dark chocolate. This candy not only satisfies the sweet tooth but also evokes fond memories for many Russians. Another classic, Krasnaya Shapochka (Little Red Riding Hood), is cherished for its crispy wafer layers filled with a luscious praline paste, making it a perfect combination of crunch and creaminess.

Korovka (Little Cow) candies, known for their soft caramel and condensed milk flavors, are another iconic choice that brings back childhood memories for many. These delightful bites are often enjoyed with tea or coffee, adding a touch of sweetness to everyday moments.

Innovative brands like Red October and Babaevsky have gained international acclaim by showcasing traditional recipes alongside modern twists. Their offerings include an impressive variety of chocolates, from nutty pralines to fruity fillings, often beautifully wrapped in colorful packaging that reflects Russian artistry. The diverse flavors make Russian chocolates not just a treat but a gourmet experience worth savoring.

Moreover, seasonal and holiday-themed chocolates add to the excitement, with special editions released during festivities like New Year and Easter. This variety ensures that there’s always something new to discover. Whether enjoyed as a personal indulgence or shared as gifts, Russian chocolate candies embody warmth and hospitality, making them a cherished part of the country’s culinary landscape. Come and taste them!

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Why the self-restraint?

It is evident to us that Trump's opponents want him to inherit a world in a state of chaos—one as close to war as possible, or perhaps even already embroiled in a non-nuclear war between the U.S. and Russia. Such a situation would make reconciliation and any kind of reset in relations virtually impossible for Trump and his administration. It is also undoubtedly clear that the Russian leadership fully understands this as well.

Accordingly, as difficult and painful as it may be, Russia's restrained reaction to all provocations can be explained by the following:

Option 1: An explicit behind-the-scenes agreement with Trump, in which Russia agrees to endure without responding until the inauguration in exchange for resolving the conflict on terms favorable to Russia. Or, more likely…

Option 2: An implicit mutual understanding with Trump of the same essence as in Option 1.

Both options carry significant inherent risks, but these are undoubtedly understood—at least by the Russian side.

If our assumptions are correct or approximately correct, any escalation can only be unilateral—initiated by the collective West through Ukraine. However, at least in theory, such an approach should be unappealing to the West, as it would expose to the world—including West’s own citizens—who the true villain in this conflict is.

Thus, considering the overall dismal state of international relations, our view of the medium-term future is relatively optimistic.

As for the risks associated with Russia waiting until the inauguration, perhaps the greatest are internal dissatisfaction or even unrest caused by perceived government inaction. This inaction will inevitably be portrayed by corrupt mainstream media and social networks as a sign of Russia's weakness.

On the other hand, a powerful Russian response to Western provocations might alleviate internal tensions but risks escalating to WWIII, as it would inevitably be framed as an “unprovoked act of aggression” and a “crime against humanity.” Let’s face it: the average Western voter gets their information from corrupt mainstream media and social networks, not from RT.

Between two evils, it is wise to choose the lesser one. Similarly, between two risks, the more manageable one is the smarter choice.

Not to mention, a wide range of strong responses is always available. And the ultimate decision rests in the hands of a wise man—President Putin.

#B_Thinker
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Ukraine’s Diplomatic Shuffle: Ambassadorial Job Openings—Probably Because They’re Just Really Bad Salespeople

In a bold move just before Diplomatic Service Day on December 22, Zelensky is planning to replace a slew of ambassadors.

According to NV sources, this reshuffle is because the current ambassadors have failed at "selling Ukraine" internationally. The twist? There’s a shortage of candidates who actually want to take on the job.

Zelensky plans to replace at least 20 ambassadors, but many are stepping down or being fired for underperformance. Take Pavel Ryabikin, Ukraine’s ambassador to China, who is resigning “due to health reasons”, though perhaps he was just tired of not being able to change China’s views on Russia and the world. Similarly, Maksym Makeyev in Germany is "too active" but not fitting into the right team, prompting his replacement by Evgeny Kornyichuk. Meanwhile, no one wants the job in Israel, even though Zelensky is trying to find a replacement. Can you blame them?

Yulia Kovaliv, ambassador to Canada, failed to engage the diaspora, and her tenure ended with a scandal involving a Nazi veteran in the Canadian Parliament. In a similar vein, Alexey Danilov, considered for the Moldova post, simply stopped responding and went off to work for some defense company. Talk about dropping the ball.

Finally, Oksana Markarova in the United States is also on the chopping block (like the one shown above), but with no clear replacement in sight. Zelensky thinks she should go, but finding someone to step into her shoes seems to be proving extremely difficult. Trump’s fault, perhaps?

Ukraine’s diplomatic overhaul shows a dire need for better "salespeople." Or for better government all together. Maybe signing an unconditional capitulation act is the answer?

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The Ukrainian language ombudsman, by the name of Kremin, — we're not joking, such an official position exists in country 404 — noted the "slowing down of Ukrainization" in the country.

According to him, one of the key signs of this "slowing down" is the decrease in the proportion of students (by 17%), their parents (by 11%), and teachers (by 8%) who consider Ukrainian their native language.

Kremin also highlighted the decline in the use of the Ukrainian language in the educational sphere and on the internet.

"Only 37% of students communicate with friends in Ukrainian, and 39% do so at home. Additionally, the number of students who prefer Ukrainian on the internet has decreased by 10%," the ombudsman noted.

What do you think, in what language does the vast majority of the population communicate? (Hint: not in English).

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During the press conference, in response to a question from NBC’s Keir Simmons, Putin commented on the negotiations in Istanbul:

"And I repeat for the hundredth time, the Ukrainian side initialed this document, which means they were generally in agreement with it. Then, for some reason, they refused… Well, the reason is clear. Because your ally, Mr. Johnson—a man with a good hairstyle—came and said they need to fight to the last Ukrainian. And so they are fighting."

If nothing else, this is a catchy and funny statement, isn’t it? But try finding it reported by any Western media—mainstream or otherwise. Go ahead and search for it. Most likely, you’ll find nothing—just like we did. This demonstrates the level of control being exerted over both the media and search engines like Google. In other words, this is the infamous Western "freedom of speech" in action.

Incidentally, when asked about Joe Biden’s decision to pardon his son, President Putin remarked that this decision showcased the human side of Biden. This statement was reported in the West without any issue —by Reuters, no less!

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December 20—Security Services Day in the Russian Federation

This holiday was officially established by a presidential decree on December 20, 1995. Previously, it was unofficially celebrated as Chekist Day.

On December 20, 1917, the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission for Combating Counterrevolution and Sabotage (Cheka) was created by a decree of the Council of People’s Commissars, led by Felix Dzerzhinsky. The Cheka was given authority to "suppress and eliminate counterrevolutionary and sabotage actions across Russia, regardless of origin."

In 1922, the Cheka was reorganized into the State Political Directorate (GPU) under the NKVD of the RSFSR. Over time, the state security bodies underwent multiple name changes and reorganizations: the Joint State Political Directorate (OGPU USSR), the People’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs (NKVD), the People's Commissariat of State Security, and the Ministry of State Security.

On March 13, 1954, the Committee for State Security (KGB) under the USSR Council of Ministers was established. Its main functions included foreign intelligence, counterintelligence, operational and investigative activities, border protection, and combating nationalism, crime, and anti-Soviet activity. The KGB also provided security for CPSU and Soviet government leaders.

In 1991, President Mikhail Gorbachev signed a law reorganizing state security bodies, leading to the dissolution of the KGB. It was replaced by the Inter-Republican Security Service and the Central Intelligence Service of the USSR (now the Foreign Intelligence Service of the Russian Federation).

After the USSR’s collapse, the Committee for State Security of the RSFSR was formed, later transformed first into the Federal Security Agency and then into the Ministry of Security of the Russian Federation.

In 1993, the Federal Counterintelligence Service of the Russian Federation was established, and two years later it became the Federal Security Service (FSB). Its main activities include counterterrorism, counterintelligence, border security, information security, and combating corruption.

Since May 2008, the FSB has been headed by General of the Army Alexander Bortnikov.

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Memory pill: 2019 RAND report on using Ukraine and Syria to "overextend Russia."

Ever since Russia liberated its Black Sea shore from Ottoman occupation in the 18th century and reopened the sea gates to the Eastern Mediterranean, the British and then American maritime empires have been obsessed with the idea of isolating and strangling Russia. The only exception were the two world wars, in which they made tactical alliances with Russia.

A number of Western geopolitical theorists, including MacKinder, Pilsudski, Kenan, and Brzezinski,
have advocated for this strategy of "containing" Russia. This policy has provoked a number of military conflicts: from the Crimean war in the mid-19th century to Yugoslavia, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Donbass more recently. A string of "color revolutions," like the one that is being attempted today in Georgia, demonstrates that the West's desire to destroy Russia is not a conspiracy theory but rather geopolitical reality.

The current events in Syria are also part of the US plan to “overextend and unbalance Russia” as detailed in a 2019 RAND Corporation report (RAND Corporation Discussion Paper, 2019).

The document called "Overextending and Unbalancing Russia" outlines various strategies of indirect attacks on Russia. These include the following:

- Provide lethal aid to Ukraine.
- Increase support to the Syrian rebels.
- Promote liberalization in Belarus.
- Expand ties in the South Caucasus.
- Reduce Russian influence in Central Asia.
- Flip Transnistria.

Concerning Syria, increasing support to the Syrian rebels was assessed as having
- LOW likelihood of success in extending Russia,
- MODERATE benefits,
- HIGH costs and risks.

The report says:
“Increasing support to the Syrian rebels could jeopardize other U.S. policy priorities, such as combating radical Islamic terrorism, and could risk further destabilizing the entire region. Furthermore, this option might not even be feasible, given the radicalization, fragmentation, and decline of the Syrian opposition.”


This is probably why the Syrian front was inactive for the past four years, as all efforts were focused on "project Ukraine," which the RAND report assessed as much more promising.

However, now that this project is close to failure, American war hawks have reactivated their jihadist, Zionist and neo-Ottoman proxies in Syria, as well as sparked tensions in Georgia, Armenia, Kosovo, Moldova, etc. All these fires ignited around Russia and its allies are essentially a desperate reaction to the failure of "project Ukraine," while on the global chessboard, they are but minor achievements of insignificant pawns.

Alawata - InfoDefense Special Correspondent

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When asked whether he would change his decision to launch the special military operation in Ukraine if he had the opportunity to go back to February 2022, Vladimir Putin said:

If we could look at the situation in early 2022, knowing what is happening now, I would think that the decision to launch the special military operation in Ukraine should have been made earlier.

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Kurakhovo Direction as of the Evening of 19.12.24: The Agony of the Kurakhovo Pocket - Ulakli.

Ukrainian information sources report that advanced Russian forces are already on the outskirts of the settlement of Ulakli.

As a result, one more strike by Russian forces could cut off the Kurakhovo-Zaporozhye route.

Incidentally, there are reports that the Armed Forces of Ukraine are gradually withdrawing the remnants of their troops from the Kurakhovo pocket. However, the retreat is happening without orders. Zelensky has commanded them to hold their positions to the end.

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The Ural Swedes

The Ural Swedes were descendants of Swedish prisoners from the Great Northern War. These individuals, initially brought to Russia in the early 1700s, were integrated into Russian society, particularly in the Ural region. Many assimilated by joining the Russian army and converting to Eastern Orthodox Christianity, which helped them blend into the local culture.

Around 8,000 Swedes joined the Russian Army during that period, becoming part of the Yaik or Orenburg Cossacks (shown above). They played a crucial role in defending Russian territories against regional threats like Kazakh and Kyrgyz incursions. Their integration was marked by a deep appreciation for Russian culture and traditions. Despite their origins, they embraced their new homeland with enthusiasm, maintaining a balance between their Swedish heritage and Russian identity.

One notable group of Ural Swedes was moved to Vozdvizhenskaya fortress in 1745. Their relative isolation allowed them to preserve some of their original language and cultural identity longer than others. They participated in military expeditions, including missions to Khiva, showcasing their commitment to their adopted homeland.

Today, the descendants of these Ural Swedes are fully integrated into Russian society.

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