Adem Dhalate

n during an SoE should not be any different from normal. A crisis does not justify a selective or substandard interpretation of the supreme law of the land.



To resolve constitutional dilemma, interpretation is insufficient

Ethiopia's faces a tricky trade-off between protecting public health and ensuring democratic governance. Political dialogue is needed.

Furthermore, Article 30 on the right of assembly, demonstration and petition, and Article 31 relating to freedom of association, could be seriously weakened under a prolonged emergency. Heavy-handed measures such as states of emergency to combat a pandemic—or, in a different context, devices such as the ‘War on Terror’—have a propensity to outlast the epidemic, or the terrorism. In Ethiopia, an SoE may prove more dangerous than the virus itself.
In the same vein, the provisions of the constitutions, both federal and regional, may have been previously abused for political exigencies, but that is not a basis to disregard them now. The people of Ethiopia are the glue holding the country together, and the constitution is the ultimate guide for the legitimacy of actions that affect them.
Arguments about constitutional silence can be misused for political agendas that subverts the constitution itself. Given the fractious and fragile condition of Ethiopian politics, the CCI should desist from any activism in the absence of trust and shared understanding of many constitutional issues.

Caretaker case

Constitutionally speaking, the current houses end their term in October by virtue of Articles 54 and 58.  The remaining option is the dissolution of the houses and the formation of a caretaker government.  Article 60 provides for the dissolution of the HoPR to conduct elections within six months. Following dissolution, the incumbent will act as caretaker, the core function of which is to be the custodian of the affairs of government and to organise new elections. This means it may not enact new proclamations, regulations, or decrees, nor may it repeal or amend any existing law.
Three counter-arguments have been presented for this option.
The first is the fact that dissolution allows for an election before the end of term of office and parliaments are generally dissolved to end, not extend, their terms. Once parliament is dissolved, a caretaker government is formed. If the new term begins on the Monday of the final week of the Ethiopian month of Meskerem, as the constitution prescribes, as a matter of law, there would not be a house to dissolve at that point, as its term will have ended. While it’s true that caretaker governments are mainly formed to avoid power vacuum after the dissolution of a parliament and before a new elected government takes over, there are a few cases of caretaker administrations in extraordinary circumstances such as war and arduous transitional periods; the latter is the situation we find ourselves in.



Ethiopia requires a legal solution to a political problem

Ethiopia's constitution can be lawfully interpreted to address the current political challenge.

The second argument against a caretaker government is the fact that there will be no parliament to oversee the implementation of the state of emergency. To a degree, this is valid, but the pandemic is a public health issue that could be contained by the executive more than the legislature. As per Article 93 (3), the current house can extend the SoE for six months before its dissolution. During an emergency, the executive branch, in this case, the caretaker government, is more potent in implementation.
The third argument is the related claim that the fight against COVID-19 requires stable, strong leadership, both at the federal and regional levels. The strength of a government emanates from its legitimacy, which in turn comes from the delivery of public goods and/or popular support. The current government is struggling with both. It has a legitimacy deficit for many reasons, not necessarily all of its own making. Rather than doubts over whether it meets constitutional requirements, the question i

t exposes people to COVID-19 infection, the epidemiological basis for the board’s decision should be made public. A timeframe for the elections should also be set, whether it is three months, a year, or three years. This is about evidence-based policy making, not the law or politics.

Constitutionality imperative

The ongoing proceedings of Council of Constitutional Inquiry (CCI) not only set a precedent but are politically sensitive. The CCI needs first to address the question of jurisdiction. For this, it should only consider the legal questions of whether the constitution supports abstract interpretation, and whether the CCI should offer an advisory opinion in the absence of an aggrieved party seeking remedy to a matter it considered unconstitutional. Submissions to the CCI must show that a law, practice, or decision of a government organ violates the constitution. No constitutional provision confers any advisory powers on the CCI. None of the sub-articles of Article 62 can be construed as permitting an abstract interpretation. Article 62 is not one of the provisions cited by the House of Peoples’ Representatives (HoPR), when it referred the case to the House of Federation (HoF). As per Article 84, which is more relevant to the CCI, constitutional dispute is a sine-qua-non for triggering constitutional inquiry.
Proclamations and previous practices of the HoF and CCI cannot be used as a basis to determine constitutionality of proclamations, decisions, or practices. The constitution determines their constitutionality, not the other way around. The same principles are upheld in the proclamations related to the CCI.



House of Federation should consider rejecting request for constitutional interpretation

The government is arguably setting a problematic precedent by attempting to misuse the constitutional interpretation mechanism.

If the HoF offered an advisory opinion in the past, it violated the constitution. The reasoning is simple: if the framers of the constitution had intended to grant the upper house that power, they would have done so unequivocally. Moreover, the CCI may have consented to the enactment of laws necessary for building one economic community, but this is not strictly constitutional interpretation.  In such cases, the CCI discharges its powers based on factual and legal considerations, which may not require interpretation. No proclamation or previous decision to request an advisory HoF opinion should be used as the basis for abstract interpretation.
As to other countries permitting abstract interpretation, such an argument have academic benefits, but lacks legal merit. The peculiarities of Ethiopia’s constitutional processes take precedence over the experience of other jurisdictions. In any case, a significant number of organs involved in constitutional interpretation in other countries provide neither advisory opinion nor abstract interpretation because of limitations imposed by law or legal tradition.

Constitutional silence

Constitutional silence does not justify extending terms of office in violation of the constitution. There could be constitutional silence, but solutions must be constitutional. The constitution is not silent on who has what power, and the term of office of the power holder. A State of Emergency (SoE) limits rights but it does not extend a term of office. Proposals relating to the issues of holding election during State of Emergency were discussed by the framers but they deliberately omitted them. Its silence in some areas should not be employed as a means to bestow powers to any institution that is not clearly or originally conferred by the constitution.
The extension of a state of emergency should be a rarity as it would not only undermine the fundamental rights to vote and run for public office, but would also reinforce the tendencies to perpetuate a SoE that have been seen in many countries in Africa and Latin America. Extension of a term via an SoE is the least constitutional and politically the most dangerous option. The interpretation and application of the constitutio

Ethiopia Insight

Viewpoint

The limits of legal solutions

May 18, 2020

by Mehari Taddele Maru



An inclusive caretaker government is a better option than a suspect constitutional interpretation process controlled by the incumbent

Given that the World Health Organizationsays the coronavirus is here to stay and we must learn to live with it, partly as vaccines and treatments may take years, how can the need to safeguard our physical, political, and constitutional health be balanced?
If the current constitutional debate is to be resolved constructively, the solution needs to meet three requirements that could be difficult, not necessarily impossible, to achieve at once.
First, due to the pandemic’s likely longevity, questions related to the election schedule should be considered. This raises epidemiological considerations with legal implications: When does this pandemic constitute force majeure? What conditions justify election postponement? And who assesses those conditions?  What is the fall-back plan if the pandemic does not end within months?
Second, the solution has to be constitutional—both in letter and spirit.
Third, it has to set the tone for resolving the country’s political divisions and frailties, especially the government’s legitimacy deficit.

Health imperative

Clearly, during pandemics, the trade-off between public health and fundamental rights such as voting, freedom of movement, and elections, is a delicate one. While public health considerations may sometimes trump fundamental rights, they should be viewed only as short-term measures. In the case of COVID-19, the science indicates that the efficacy of restrictions depends on localised factors. Granted, many—if not most—aspects of the pandemic remain uncertain but some facts are uncontested.
COVID-19 is highly infectious; its spread can be slowed by physical distancing; and restriction on movement should give governments and other stakeholders more time to prepare their response. Although some stringent measures have been taken in Ethiopia, they are less strict restrictions than many other countries. Of course, if the number of COVID-19 cases surges, the government will be questioned.  Moreover, election cannot be undertaken lightly in Ethiopia, which is already embroiled in a contested transition.



Beating around the bush on the constitutional conundrum

Rather than focusing solely on a questionable constitutional interpretation process, complementary pathways through the election delay should be considered.

But there are also many unknowns about the pandemic. And a decision of great consequence, such as scheduling elections, should consider all factors. As an example, the peak infection time is hard to predict, though models suggest that Ethiopia will have passed the worst of the pandemic by now. Most researchers agree that a vaccine will not be available for more than a year and that the infection rate varies depending on human interconnectedness and on measures such as physical distancing and wearing masks in public; indeed, Asian and African countries are among those that have started to ease broader restrictions while enforcing physical distancing and ‘masking up’.
Nevertheless, predicting the peak, much less the end, of the pandemic is highly speculative. To peg everything, including an election that is vital for the legitimacy of the government—not to say the very survival of the country—on a notional end to the pandemic is ill-advised. An interminable wait for an ill-defined end to the pandemic in order to determine the fate of the country cannot be always sensible. It is not clear if the electoral board has considered the available risk-reduction mechanisms that would allow elections to go ahead relatively safely. Such mechanisms are being widely used in the meetings, economic sphere, education, and public health to avoid a total disruption of essential supply chains. Life goes on—even under Covid-19. Note that as many elections are still scheduled as are being postponed.
While no one wishes for elections to be conducted in a manner tha

DHOORKAMUU JIMAA SOMALILANDII⚠️
DUBBISA GAARII🔰

Torbaan dabre kana mootummaan somaali laandi jimaan gara magaalaa isaanii akka hin seenne dhoorkee akka jiru odeeyfannoon adda addaa gurra nu seeneeti jira. Qabatamaaniis sababa kanaan magaalaa akka addunyaatti daldala jimaatiin beekkamtu Magaalaa Aawwadaay keeysatti daldalli jimaa harka walakkaa ol 80% gahuun qabbanaaweeti jira.
Dhimma jimaa dhoorkamuu daldala jimaa kan SOMALILAND kana irratti qabxiileen ka'uu qabdu gurguddoon kanneen armaan gadiiti.

Dhimmi dhoorkamuu daldala jimaa kan somalilandii kun kan jalqabaatii miti. Bara 2014 keeysa biyya Ingilizitti Aktiivistootni somalii warreen daldala jimaatii fi itti fayyadama jimaa morman sochii taasisaniin mootummaan biyya ingilizii jimaa akka qoricha sammuu nama hadoochuutti ilaalee seerummaa daldala jimaa fi itti fayyadamaa kan duraan mootummaan kenname san haquun daldalaa fi itti fayyadama jimaa akka dhoorku taasisaniiti jiran. Kanumaan jimaan duraan jimaa landan ja'amu kan magaalaa Aawwadaayitti akkaan beekkamu kan hojjattootaa fi daldaltoota kumaan lakkaawamaniif hojii uumuun madda galii tahee ture dhaabbachuun isaa yaadannoo yeroo dhihooti.
Dhoorkaan jimaa kun biyyoota biroo qofa keeysatti osoo hin tahin biyyuma Itoophiyaa keeysatti naannoleen akka Amaaraa fi Tigraay yeroo gargaraatti sochii godhaniin daldalaa fi itti fayyadama jimaa seeraan dhoorkanii akka turan ni yaadatama. Dhoorkamuun jimaa kan biyyoota garagaraatti godhamees kan biyya ingiliz dabalatee miidhaa diinagdee fi Hawaasummaa guddaa ummatarraan akka gahe tilmaamuun salphaadha.
Akka maxxansa tokkorratti maxxanfametti yoo tahe bara 2014 keeysa yeruma biyya ingilizii keeysatti Aktiivistootni somaalee sochii godhaniin jimaan akka biyyattii hin seenne godhan sanitti sochiin walfakkaataan daldala jimaa dhaabsisuuf biyya Somalilandii keeysattiis gaggeeyfamaa akka ture hubachuun ni danda'ama . Haa tahu malee yeroo sanitti mootummaan somalilandii gurra isaaniif kennuu dhabuun daldalli jimaa hanga torbaan dabre( Ebla 24,2020, Yeroo sababa Vaayirasii Koronaatiif jimaan akka somalilandi hin seenne dhoorkameetitti) itti fufeeti jira.

Ammaan tana garuu dhiibbaan Aktiivistoota Somalilandii fi qaamota farra daldala jimaa kun deeggarsa dhimma Vaayirasii Koronaa irraa waan arkateef dhageeytii arkatee waan milkaaweef fakkaata. Kanumaan jimaan dhuma torbaan dabree Ebla 24, 2020 irraa eegalee gara somalilandii akka hin seenne dhoorkameeti jira.
Dhoorkamuu jimaa kana hordofuun miidhaan diinagdee fi hawaasummaa guddaan qotee bultoota, daldaltoota, dafqaan bultootaa fi qaama hawaasaa garagaraa irra gahuun isaa ni mullata. Dhoorkaan/uggurri kun akkanatti yoo itti fufe ammoo miidhaan isaa kun daran hammaachuun gara dhiibbaa siyaasaatti tarkaanfachuun rooraafama siyaasaa ( political Instability) fiduu akka danda'u shakkii hin qabaatu. Miidhaaleen diinagdee fi hawaasummaa hanga ammaatti kallattiin mullatan keeysaa muraasni kanneen armaan gadiiti.👇

✍MIIDHAA DIINAGDEE

1. 👉Daldalli magaalaa Aawwadaay harka caaluun ( Tilmaamaan parsantaa 75% ol) qabbanaawuun guutumaan guututti diinagdeen magaalattii laamshaweeti jira.

2. 👉Galiin Qotee bultoota jimaa oomishanii, daldaltoota jimaa, mootummaa federaalaa fi naannolee ( tax and other revenues) fi namoota sababa daldala jimaatiin if jiraachisaa turanii guutumaan guututti osoo akeekkachiisni tokkolleen itti hin kennamin dhoorkamuu jimaatiin galiin isaanii waan dhabameef diinagdeen laamshawaniiti jiran.

3. 👉Daldaltootni jimaa gara somalilandii geeysuun oomishaalee ykn meeshaa biroo fe'anii gara Itoophiyaa fidaa turan sababa dhoorkamuu jimaa kanaan daldalli isaanii sun waan dhaabbateef madda galii dhabaniiti jiran.

4. 👉Sababa maddi galii dhabamuu kanaan hanqinni midhaan nyaataa uumamuun hawaasni beela hamaaf saaxilamu mala.

Gabaabumatti Miidhaaleen diinagdee kanneenii fi kkf dha.

✍MIIDHAA HAWAASUMMAA

Qotee bultoota, Daldaltootaa fi dafqaan bultootni sababa kanaan galii waan dhabaniif rakkoon hawaasummaa guddaan mul'achaati jira. Isaan keeysaa muraasni;

1️⃣ Sababa maddi galii isaanii dhabameef
maatii hedduu kee

​​Edanni halkan 29 ti. Leylatul-Qadr tahuu dandaha.
Halkan Ramadaana baranaa keessaa kan Leylatul-Qadriin keessatti shakkamtu kana qofaatu hafe. Maal haa goonuree? Shakkiin halkan collee saniif qabnuufi bololli Ibaadaa irratti qabnu daran cimuu qaba. Dhuunfaatti namuu Niyyaa haa toolfatu.

Hammeenya keessaa bahi. Soommanni kun siif kan dhumaa tahuu dandaha. Akka Rabbii hin beekan! Hadaraa bareechii gaggeysi. Gam-tokkoon halkan kun, halkan Qur'aanni Masjida hedduutti khattamamu. Gubbaa kaafnee bahara Qur'aanaa daakaa as geenye. Warri bahara kana daake tokkolleen hin hoongawu abdii jettu qabna. Halkan gabroonni Rabbii harka ol qabanii imimmaan dhangalaasani. Soommana simatuu qofaa miti, haala kanaan gaggeysuufis gammachuu qabna. Hedduu gammanne! Kana caalaa ammoo boru guyyaa galataa san gammaduuf jiraanna. Inshaa Allaah! Nashaaxaafi mirqaanni Muslimaa akkana tahuu qaba.

Haala kanaan gaggeysuuf osuma gammachuu qabnuu, garuu baatiin tun nu dhiiftee deemuu isiitti hedduu gaddine. Sahaabaan Ramadaana akka waan Janaazaan isaan jidduu jirtuutti qalbi caphaan gaggeysan. Ibaadaa Ramadaana keessa hojjetaniis akka Rabbi isaanirraa qeebaluuf jabeysanii kadhatan. Ramadaanni namuma isatti fayyadameef tole. Namni ji'a birootii fi Ramadaana akka tokkotti laalu, iccitii Ramadaanni qabu hin hubanne. Ramadaanni gaafa kutu, carraa hedduu fudhatee deema. Milkii hedduun gala. Warra carraa inni qabu fudhatee milkaawe Rabbi nu haa godhu.

Ibaadaa Ramadaana kana keessa hojjanneen warra ibiddarraa fageyfamee, Jannata seenu nu haa taasisu.

@ademchannel
@ademchannel

ama tokko osoo wal quba hin qabne yaada isaa naaf kennetti, LM ammaas akkuma duraan bare sanitti yeroo ummanni Biltsiginnaa mormuun miidhaa garagaraa keeysummeeysaa jirutti callisuun booda yeroo filannoon sirritti dhiyaatte( Toora baatii 2 geeyse) as bahee '...Maddamarii fi Biltsiginnaan amma naaf galte. Garaagarummaan ture mariin hiikkateeti jira. Na amanaa Biltsiginnaan ummata Oromoo hin miidhuu ykn ammoo rakkoolee Biltsiginnaa keeysa jirtu tan duraan irratti wal dhabne san sirreeysineeti jirra...' jechuun ummata duraan abdiin afaan isaa eegutti jiru kana carra maleeysa godhuuf waan deemu natti fakkaata.
Kanaan ammoo akkuma ammaan dura yeroo afuurii fi shanii ol nu sossobaa turetti hugguu nuti dhiyana keenya bilcheeyfanne jennu shuuro bilchaattetti bishaan qabbanaawaa naquuf deemaan sodaadha.

Dhumarratti LM tii fi Dr Abiyyi walquba qabaataniis walquba qabaachuu baataniis yaadani isaanii tokko tahuus tokko tahuu baatuus kaayyoo fi galmi isaanii tokko akka tahe nama hundaaf tahuu baatullee qancara tokko tokkoof numa galti. Dhimmi isaan itti wal tahan ammoo dhimmuma amma biyya keenya keeysatti dhimma yaachisaa taatee Haaji Jawaar Muhammad barruu dheertuu barreeysuun addeeysuuf yaale sani natti fakkaatti.

Kanaafuu LM osumaan kabajuuti "nama Shuuroo bilchaattetti bishaan qabbanaawaa naqu" natti fakkaata.

Hub: Kun yaada kiyya kan dhunfaati. Mormamu qaba. Dogongorri sirreeyfamu qaba. Hanqinaa fi ciminni isaatiis kan mataa kiyyaa qofa. Yaada keeysan fudhachuuf qophiidha.

Waan dubbiftaniif Galatoomaa!!!
Yaada Deeggarsaa, mormii fi komiis dhoobaa!!!

Adem Dhalate Caamsaa 1,2020. Maayaa Guddoo.

aaf kenne.
Kanumaan ummanniniis hoggansa jijjiiramaa jechuun lammaa faarsuu eegale. Tarkaanfii duraan kittillayyoo wayyaanee irratti fudhachaa turees hanga tokko laaffisuun qondaaltota opdo bakka lamatti addaan qoodee laaluu jalqabe. Sanumaan poolisiin Oromiyaa kan duraan rasaasuma isiitiin ummata Oromoo ajjeesaa turte rasaasa isii gad qabuu eegalte. Suuta keeysa gama ummataa deebite.

Akka yaada kiyyaatti osoo gaafa san lammaan irraa nu dhaabuu baatee, gantoota ammallee ummata ajjeesuu, tumuu, saamuu fi doorsisutti jiru kana Ummanni Oromoo( Keeysattuu Qeeyroon) opdo keeysaa ni qulqulleeysa. Kun ammoo gantoota ammallee ummatarratti duulan kanaaf fakkeenyaa fi barnoota qabatamaa ( practical knowledge) tahaaf. Sababa saniin gantootni jiiluun akka ammaa kanatti dhaadachuu dhiisanii ni adabatu.
Gaafa san akka ummanni wayyaanee fi opdo ijuma takkaan laalee guututti hin mancaafne kan akka wayyaanee fi opdo adda qoodnee ilaallu godhe LM ti. Kanaaf LM gaafa saniis ba'aa silaa hangam ulfaattuus bakka takkatti Ummanni Oromoo firraa hobbaasu kan barakeeyseef isa tahuutu natti mul'ata.

Dubbiin isaa sun faayidaas guddoodha qabdi. An faayidaa isin agartan saniis arkaatumaan ija takkaan miidhaa isiitiis arke. Kanaaf jecha dubbiin gaafa sanii duraa duubaan faayidaa fi miidhaa akka qabduutu natti mul'ate. Faayidaa fi miidhaa saniis kan qooda leencaa keeysaa qabu LM ti.

2. Gaafa MMHD aangoo gad lakkise

Gaafa MMHD mormiin Qeeyroo itti cimnaan aangoo gad lakkise Hayyoonni siyaasaa hedduun Jawaar mohaammad dabalatee LM Muummicha ministeeraa yeroo akka tahu yaada dhiheeysaa turan. LM yoo carraa kanaan qabsoo Oromoo tan as geeyse tana MM tahee galmaan hin geenye gaheen LM siyaasa biyyaa fi Oromoo keeysatti qabu asitti raawwata ja'anii yaada isaanii kennaa turan. LM ammoo toora Miidiyaa OBN'n as bahee "...siyaasni akka tapha kubbaa miilaati..." jechuun ofiif gad lakkisuun Dr Abiyyi dura bu'aa paartichaa( ODP ) akka tahu godhe. Kanaaniis hedduu qeeqamee hedduus dinqisiifatame. Warri siyaasa addunyaa qoratan kanneen akka Xiinxalaa Siyaasaa Obbo Jawaar mohaammad ammoo Dr Abiyyi bakka kana hin tahu ja'anii mormaa turuun yaada kennanniin bakka MM kana yoo Dr Abiyyi tahe Oromoon dogongora tarsiimoo hamaa keeysa gala jechuun, eega LM yaada isaanii kana fudhachuu dide booda ammoo '...Yaada kiyya kana dhara godhee keeysan dhugaa haa godhu...' jechuun miira abdii kutannaatiin fuula fb isaaniirratti maxxansanii turan.😱

Asirratti yaadni kiyya, fedhuma Rabbii tahee, garuu osoo gaafa san LM yaada hayyootaa san qeebalanii MM tahanii Filamuu MMI Dr Abiyyii Ahammadii booda wanti Ummata Oromootii fi LM qunname kun hundi hin qunnamu ture.
Kanaaf gaafa saniis LM tu Dr Abiyyiif bobaa bane. Asittiis bu'aa qabsoo sabaa kan sabni nama itti amanutti kennachuuf waywaachaa ture anaa(LM) fi inni (Dr Abiyyi) tokko jechuun ummata fudhachiisee bishaan nyaachise.

3. Gaafa Maddamarii fi Biltsiginnaa

Gaafa ODP gara Biltsiginnaatti diigamtu eega turee booda ummanni Oromoo morninaan miidiyaa VOA irraan interview gabaabaa godhee yeroo gabaabaa keeysattiin ballinaan miidiyaaf ibsa kenna je'ee ichumaan cilee bishaan buute tahe. Ummanni gaafa sanii fi amma jidduu isuma eegutti jira.
Akka yaada kiyyaatti mormiin isaa kuniis hedduudha dhibaawe. Hanga maddamarii fi leenjiin isii biyya guutuuf kennamtu callisee Eega ummanni mormee wanti meeqa badee booda yaada kennate. Yaada sanuu gaafatamnaaniin dubbadhe malee amma hedduu haasawuu hin barbaadu. Fuuldura yeroo gabaabattiin ballinaan ibsa miidiyaaf kenna jechuun Ummanni LM gama keenya jira je'ee mormii akka dhaabu godhe. Kuniis mormii ummataa san qabbaneeyseeti mootummaa fi warri paartii Biltsiginnaa akka itti kurfaa'uuf yeroo kenneef. Kuniis kallattiin tahuu al-kallattiin warri Biltsiginnaa mormu akka ligiduu fi warri deeggaru ammoo akka yeroo arkatee yaada isaanii maallaqaan, miidiyaa fi boodarra ammoo humnaan babal'ifataniif qaawa guddaa uume. Kun ammoo harka lafa jalaatiin guuza waliif ooluudha malee waan biraatii miti.

4. LM fi Filannoo

LM Ammaan booda hoo maal ja'a?
Akkaan ifiif tilmaamee fi n

"Lammaan Magarsaa nama Shuuroo bilchaattetti bishaan qabbanaawaa naqu."

LM akkuma qeeyroo Oromoo tokkoottiin shubbaaka tolabashiinaatiin beeka. Gaafa inni maastar pilaanii morme sanirraa isa jalallee bu'uu baannu waa'ee isaa jala buunee hordofaa turre. Waan gaarii Oromoof hojjate tan nuti agarruu fi hin agarrees, tan dhageenyeefi hin dhagayiniis heddu hojjate.
Haa tahuu malee namuma fedheehuu taatu innaawaa mataa keenyaahuu taatu afaanuma keenyarraa waan bahu qofa laallee if amanuun hedduu gaarii natti hin fakkaatu. Anaaf ammoo mataa kiyyaahuu shakkee if qorachuun waajiba. Wanti ana keeysa jiruu fi taniin afaaniin ol baafadhee dubbadhu hangam takka akka wal simtu niin madaala. Namni waanuma afaan keetirraa dhagayee fi waanuma hojiin sirraa arkeen si madaala.
Ati garuu Yeroo waan tokko dubbattuu fi hojjattu waan keeysa kee jiru keeysaa yooniin tam olbaase ykn tam hojjadhe namni narraa qeebala jetteeti madaaltee tan irra wayyaa ol baafta malee waan garaa qabduu fi yaaddu hunda hin dubbattu hundaas hin hojjattu. Kan wanti biraa si garaa ol dhiibattu kan garaan si didichu afaan kee mimmi'eeyfattee waan namni sirraa fudhatuu fi tan yeroo san wajjiin sirraa bitamtu ol baaftee gurguraaf dhiheeysita. Kanaaf dhugaan garaa kee jiru waan ati dubbattuu fi hojjattuun madaalamuun yeroo dhumaa bakka kaayyoo sanittillee tahuu baatu yeroo jalqabaa fi yeroo deemsa karaa keetiirra jirtu san ni ulfaata.

Gaafii ammoo dhugaan garaa kee keeysa jiruu fi ati olbaaftu wal fakkaachu danda'a. Yeroo akkasii ammoo haalaa fi akkaataa jiruutu akka ati barbaaddutti bakka ati barbaaddurra jira. Kanaaf dhugaa jiru yoo ol baafattees mormii fi komiin waan si hin qunnamneef gammachuun gammaddee ol baafatte. Yeroo garii ammoo akkumaan duraan je'etti wanti garaa qabduu fi haalli jiru, yeroo fi bakki jirtu yoo walitti hin yaane dhugaa dhooyfatteeti afaanii fi hojiin waan garaa kee jiru dhooysuuf haala mijjeeysaa dubbatta.
Kun ammoo akkumaan duraan dubbadhetti waan garaa jiruu fi waan gaara jiru wal dhabsiisa. Hamtuu fi haamtuu garaa qabu dhooyfateeti haatuu hattuutiin biyyee dharaa hammaaree bishaan dharaa kan ifiifuu dhugaaf dheeboteen jiisee biyya dharaaniin jaara je'ee jiiysa.
Biyyuma dharaa tan biyyee daaraatiinii fi bishaan dheebotaan dhandhaarraa dhaamotaarratti dhandhaaramte gariin gaariin biyyuma dhuuggaan marfamte tan dhugaaf dheelmotte tana dharraan biyya dhugaan dhaabbatte sehee dheengee fi dhiiga isaa dhangalaasee dhangaa gaarii biraa gara gore if dhabee dhabama.

Kanaaf jecha LM waan dubbatu babbareedduu san hojii boonsaan dabaalaa nuuf dabala jennee osoo eeynuuti dabala dhiisee daba laalaa daddaba daddabala.
Dabaa fi daddaba LM keeysaa kaniin an gaafasumaahuu shakkaa eegas booda ammoo arkaa dhufe keeysaa tokko tokko niin yaadadha. Silaa akkana sehee ammoo waaniin shakke san hunda yaadannoon qabadha ture. Haa tahuu ammoo ammallee yaadannoon dabtara kiyyarraa qabu qabaachuu baadhuus yaadannoon yaadattuu tiyya keeysaa qabu keeysaa yaadachuufiin yaala.

TAATEEWWANII FI LM:

1. Goftaan keenya Ummata keenya

Gaafa dura Oromoon wayyaanee fi OPDO ijuma takkaan inumaa OPDO irra hammeeyfatee itti qabsaawee jara lachuu laamsheyse san kan "Rabbii gaditti Gonftaan keenya Ummata keenya" je'ee Ajjeechaa, reebinsa, sodaachisaa fi doorsisa qondaaltota opdo irra ture kan silaa ummata keeysaa bitamtootaa fi abbootii garaa dhabamsiisu san akka dhaabbatuuf sababa tahe Dr LM ti. Gaafa san Gowwa ajjees, kaabinootaa fi garaa bitamtoota ummatni bakka jirutti adamsuu waan eegaleef gantoota ummata keeysaa guutumaan guututtillee xahaaruu baatu hanga tokko ni qulqulleeysa je'eetiin amana. Kun ammoo waanuma magaalota mormiin akkaan itti cime kanneen akka Aawwadaayii fi Amboo faadhatti gantoota ajjeesuu, manneen gowwa ajjeesii fi qabeenya isaanii barbadeeysuu fi sodaachisuun akkaan kan cime ture.
Haa tahuu malee eega LM goftaan keenya ummata keenya je'ee booda sabboontonni gantoota keeysa jiran gara ummataa goruun galaana qabsotti dabalamanii turan. Kun ammoo opdo keeysaa nama ummataaf quuqamu ni qabna amantii ju'u ummata keeysatti uumuun abdii ummat